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 In the last chapter we began the story of the foundation of the Indian National Congress. We could not, however, make much headway because the cobwebs had to be cleared, the myth of the safety-valve had to be laid to rest, the mystery of the ‘missing volumes’ had to be solved, and Hume’s mahatmas had to be sent back to their resting place in Tibet. In this chapter we resume the more serious part of the story of the emergence of the Indian National Congress as the apex nationalist organization that was to guide the destiny of the Indian national movement till the attainment of independence. The foundation of the Indian National Congress in 1885 was not a sudden event, or a historical accident. It was the culmination of a process of political awakening that had its beginnings in the 1860s and 1870s and took a major leap forward in the late 1870s and early 1880s. The year 1885 marked a turning point in this process, for that was the year the political Indians, the mod...

 Indian National Congress was founded in December 1885 by seventy-two political workers. It was the first organized  expression of Indian nationalism on an all-India scale. A.O. Hume, a retired English ICS officer, played an important role in its formation. But why was it founded by these seventy- two mena nd why at that time? A powerful and long-lasting myth, the myth of ‘the safety valve,’ has arisen around this question. Generations of students and political activists have been fed on this myth. But despite widespread popular belief, this myth has little basis in historical fact. The myth is that the Indian National Congress was started by A.O. Hume and others under the official direction, guidance and advice of no less a person than Lord Dufferin, the Viceroy, to provide a safe, mild, peaceful, and constitutional outlet or safety valve for the rising discontent among the masses, which was nevitably leading towards a popular and violent revolution.Consequently, the revoluti...

 It is worth taking a look at the effects of colonial exploitation of the Indian peasants. Colonial economic policies, the new land revenue system, the colonial administrative and judicial systems, and the ruin of handicraft leading to the over-crowding of land, transformed the agrarian structure and impoverished the peasantry. In the vast zamindari areas, the peasants were left to the tender mercies of the zamindars who rack-rented them and compelled them to pay the illegal dues and perform begar. In Ryotwari areas, the Government itself levied heavy land revenue. This forced the peasants to borrow money from the moneylenders. Gradually, over large areas, the actual cultivators were reduced to the status of tenants-at-will, share-croppers and landless labourers, while their lands, crops and cattle passed into the hands of landlords, trader-moneylenders and rich peasants. When the peasants could take it no longer, they resisted against the oppression and exploitation...

 official language The dispute over the official language became more intense as it took an anti-Hindi form. There is a trend of creating conflict between Hindi speaking and non-Hindi speaking areas in the country. The dispute is not about the national language issue. That is, after a while the idea that all Indians should adopt one language, that a national language is necessary for Indian national identity, was already rejected by the vast majority of the national leadership. India is a multilingual country. It should continue. The National Movement conducted its ideological political activities in various regional languages. National movement demands that all higher education, administration and court affairs should be done away with English as medium of mother tongue. Nehru clarified this view in 1937. Our great regional languages ​​are the rich heritage of the past ancient languages, each regional language is spoken by millions of people, each language is deeply intertwined wi...