Divide and rule British policy

Promoting religious and caste regional divisions among Indian aristocratic groups. Such a division has deep roots. But the national leaders were somewhat exaggerated that the British had their direct intentional responsibility in these divisions. Conflicts arise because of deliberate government policies as well as limited resources on education and employment, and the political interests behind colonialism. Political reforms have intensified and exacerbated such conflicts. Hunter's 'Indian Muslim' launched a debate campaigning that Indian Muslims were a 'backward race' in the ruling classes. '50 million people with the same socio-religious traditions, remembering a shining day from the Himalayas to Kanyakumari during the reign of Delhi '- Dufferin's description of Muslims in 1888 (November 1888 by Dufferin). These are not historically facts. But are politically useful to our foreign rulers. Municipal elections in UP Francis Robbins on UP, Yan on Punjab on how tensions escalated in Punjab. Real detailed studies make it clear. By 1886 the Lal government in Punjab was Hoshiarpur, Lahore, | Introduced special constituencies in Multan. The intention, as Bariel argues, may be to reduce existing conflicts. Non-special constituencies are religious        . Increased divisions. Religious leaders were encouraged to prepare followers. Brought stress. In March 1893, Laptone emphasized that even at the level of legislative reforms, the areas represented should be categories rather than numbers. Approval for the demand of special constituencies is not far off. Religious tensions that cross the border create problems of peace and security. However, Secretary of State Hamilton's secret letter to Elgin on May 7, 1897, exemplified the British way of thinking on the subject. The growing clashes between Hindus and Muslims in northwestern Punjab are painful. Unity in thought and action is politically dangerous. Diversity in ideas Reforms can cause administrative difficulties. The latter of the two is less dangerous despite the increased responsibility for anxiety in those in the conflict zone.

So far we have discussed the British Indian political apparatus. But it would be short-sighted to consider administrative politics as the world or everything. It was with such a short-sightedness that in 1973 Sial wrote in an article that 'foreign rule in India was motivated to unite against that rule. It does not matter to us' (region, state, race pages 5, 6). Two elements are necessary to understand the history of modern India and the national movement: 1) The British Empire was racist in nature. 2) Protecting immigration. The target ruled. Both of these factors are lacking in the Cambridge analysis.

White racism

The British in India were proud to be the week of their own master race. The great man with the Indians also recognized racial discrimination when he boarded a reserve bogie on a stew on a train or was prevented from being promoted when he was discriminated against on the job. Ilbatta Bill storm is very serious. But white supremacy is not a coincidence. For example, the Madras Mail (White Traders' Magazine) opposed the appointment of Muthuswamy Iyer as a Madras High Court judge. ‘Domestic officers are on equal pay with whites working under the same conditions. Should not get '- is the reason shown by the magazine. (R. Sundaralingam, Politics in South India, Nationalist Consciousness 1852 - 91, pp. 151-2), Alajadi led the establishment of the nationalist 'Hindu' magazine. Ordinary people were subjected to atrocities of racism such as beatings, beatings, shooting accidents, Sahib disciplinary actions to discipline Panka Coolie, and chase killing by mistake in the hunt. More than 81 shooting cases were reported between 1880 and 1900. For similar crimes The courts imposed ridiculously light sentences. Contemporary journals have shown how such events have contributed to the rise of nationalism. "The murders committed by the Europeans are increasing day by day. The soldiers are heinous criminals. They are being released on some pretext" - Wacha complained to Naoroji on October 31, 1891. (RP Patwardhan p. 265), dissatisfaction with Assam tea plantation workers was expressed in Indian Association publications in the late 1880s. Apartheid austerity was occasionally able to unite those at the highest levels of Indian society. Injustice united those following deception.

Humanitarian far-sighted British Indian politicians sought to curb apartheid. There is opposition not only to Rippon but also to Curzon on this issue among whites. Curzon took disciplinary action against the white soldiers on two occasions. 1) Regiment related to the second case received a heroic welcome at the Delhi Durbar in 1903, when a Burmese woman was gang-raped and 2) an Indian chef who refused to work was killed. But along with such rapes, white supremacy has a role to play in the political-economic structure of colonial India. From the British point of view, "it is not unreasonable to exclude Indians from key positions in the administrative and military ranks as much as possible." Only by claiming to be a race can we govern. Although Indians need to be encouraged in jobs, there is a limit to what we can control if we are to continue.

The economic aspects of the racism recently mentioned by Amiyabagbi are significant. Color played an important role in uniting white traders against Indian competitors in India. White Trade Chambers The manner in which the unions work on the interests of the hemp and tea mines makes it clear that European traders are very confident in mutual adjustment in rational compromise, no matter how confident they may be in the virtues of competition. (Bagby, Private Investment in India p. 170). 5. Personal relationships between white merchants and white officials in India were Clublough ties, although some disputes arose. Lord Curzon's speech to the British Mine Owners at Barracker in 1903  Explains the essence of the existing relationship as follows. “My work is in administration. Your loot is there. But both have the same problem, the same framework of responsibility "(KR, Early Congress of Indian Nationalism, p. 37) 'Sympathetic rapprochement with the rulers brings many invisible advantages to European traders in competition with domestic rivals' - an Indian industrialist alleges in 1944 (Bagchi page 166)

White supremacy thus helped to strengthen the European merchants' collective monopoly on industrial and commercial trade in India, especially in eastern India.

The changing forms of this strong force draw our attention to the consequences

Colonial economic policy

RP Dutt 'IndiaToday', first published 40 years ago, is still regarded as a well-researched book on Indian colonial economics. This treatise developed Marx's observations and comments into three stages of British exploitation. The first phase was the period 1757 - 1813 when the monopoly trade of the East India Company was directly exploited. With the proceeds made here England bought goods made in India at low prices for export to Europe. The Industrial Revolution in England dramatically changed the course of trade. 1813-1858 was a period of free trade and exploitation by industrial capitalism. The period when India was transformed into a source of raw materials for markets by Manchester laws. A time when traditional handicrafts were destroyed. The period when cotton was the birthplace of cotton '(Marx) From the second half of the 19th century financial imperialism began to penetrate through the establishment of large-scale banks, export-import companies, and managing agency companies under British control to export some investment.

The analysis is realistically useful considering that time periods extend over one another, merging into new forms of exploitation without the old forms of exploitation completely disappearing. This becomes clear if one examines the movement of wealth that nationalists have repeatedly referred to since the 1870s.