Partition of Bengal

 Curzon's action has created much controversy among historians of the partition of Bengal. It is said that division was done for administrative convenience. Supporters But contemporary and later nationalists say that division was done to divide and rule. Until 1903, administrative considerations were the main focus of the government. The evolution of Bengal has worried many people at different times. (Since 1860 there have been sporadic proposals to reduce the size of the Bengal Presidency). The 1874 Partition of Assam Silites, and in 1896-97 the interest in developing Assam as a province increased with the proposal of William Wards, the Chief Commissioner of Assam, to annex the Chittagong region, Dacca, and Memon Singh to his province. Ward's proposal was revived on 28 March 1903 by the new Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, Andrew Fraser. 3 Curzon agreed in his directive on the territorial redistribution of India (June 1, 1903). First announced by a letter from the Home Secretary on 3rd December 1903. Ridley cited two reasons to justify the transfer. 1) Relief to Bengal 2) Development of Assam. But administrative convenience is not an objective reason. It was linked to the British rule and the interests of the British business class. Ripley says that the expansion of Assam was necessary to provide a wide field of action to the administrators of tea, oil, coal, and develop the maritime industry.

Between the announcement of December 1903 and 19 July 1905, the transfer scheme was transformed into a full partition scheme by Fraser, Risley and Curzon. As a result   Curzon's February 1904 speech at Dacca provides evidence for nationalists' charge that the division of the East Bengal-Assam province into the Rajasthan divisions of Chittagong and Dacca was an open encouragement to Hindu-Muslim tensions. In that lecture, Curzon said that the partition of Bengal had given the Muslims of East Bengal a unity that had not been possible since the days of the old Muslim kings. But the real important political purpose of this period was to bring about division among the politicians who dominated East West Bengal. Analyzing the arguments of the critics of partition, Home Secretary Risley summarized the essence of two statements made on 7th February and 7th December 1904. "Bengal is united. A divided Bengal will be carved into pieces. This is absolutely true. It is important in the interests of the scheme. It is not easy to answer without concealing the fact in a statement which must be published. Berar is not like uniting Central Province. One of our main objectives is to divide, divide and weaken those who are united against our rule. .Marathi-speaking Berar was newly acquired by the British under a permanent lease from the Nizam in 1902. But it was not annexed to Bombay because, in Curzon's words, "we have already heard too much about Shivaji." The alternative was to reduce Bengal's administrative burden, either by forming an executive council or by separating the linguistically separate states of Bihar and Orissa (the solution finally reached in 1911).

Curzon rejected the schemes several times for political reasons. Orissa) Curzon sent a telegram to the Secretary of State who was considering the proposal to break up Bihar and Orissa. According to the proposal, "the removal of the outsiders (Bihar) will help unite Bengal. Whatever we want to remove will have the same result. The political advantage of our proposal is that the Congress will reject it."

High officials like Risley and the Cambridge historians assessed the reasons for opposition to partition from the perspective of the interests of aristocratic groups. The babus of Vikrampur were worried about their clerk jobs. The zamindars who had estates in East Bengal and West Bengal were opposed to partition because they would have to appoint agents and pleaders in both places. Bhagyakula Roy's family, who had business interests in raw jute and rice near Calcutta, were jealous of the opportunity to develop Chittagong. They fear that if a new province is formed, another high court will come and their practice will decrease with it. The political leaders of East Bengal feared that they would lose the opportunity to sit in the legislative assemblies. (In the first phase some parts of Bengal will be transferred to Assam Province under Chief Commissioner.                                                                                     (There would be no elected legislators) Calcutta politicians were concerned that their influence would be greatly limited.

What Risley mentioned in his paper of 7 February 1904 was not his own invention. All these were mentioned several times in pamphlets such as An Open Letter to Lord Curzon (Dacca, April 1904) Details about the Partition of Bengal (Calcutta September 1905). Later, with surprising speed, the movement broke away from the traditional path, developed into a variety of new, dynamic methods, attracted more people than ever before, and expanded into a struggle for Swaraj.

The British underestimated the unity of the Bengalis. Bengalis have a history of enjoying long periods of regional independence. Cultural developments in the 19th century fostered unity among Bengalis - especially educated Bengalis. Calcutta became a great city for the educated Bengali aristocracy (Bhadralok). It attracts students from all districts. The province sent teachers, pleaders, doctors and clerks all over the province. The city developed the Bengali language as a modern language, produced a large number of works, ran the press and boosted the self-respect of Bengalis. Rabindranath Tagore, who wrote works in modern language, rose to global recognition. Moreover, English-educated Bengalis are at the top of various professions, government services and politics. This boosted the self-confidence of Bengalis. The Hindu revivalist attitude exemplified by Vivekananda served as a further inspiration for this belief. International developments also played a relevant role. British defeats in the Boer War left Asia reeling with pride. Japan's victory over Russia in 1904-05, which was acclaimed by the Bengali press (which caused the children to be named after Japanese leaders Togo and Nogi), gave further impetus. China, which boycotted American goods in protest against colonial laws, and the popular revolution against totalitarianism in Russia were important international developments of this period.

In this environment of strong regional unity, self-confidence and self-respect, Curzon's provocations with behind-the-scenes dramas and the decision to partition (to say nothing of partition between February and July 1905) were seen as a national humiliation. It was 20 years that inevitably made a very limited impact  On top of the modest gains achieved by the moderates, racial discrimination has added to the despair and depression experienced by the wider public due to white pride.

Gnanchandra Banerjee's diary reflects this in detail: The Munsif's salary was only Rs. 200, while a white district judge gets a salary of Rs.2000 per month. The memories of the racial discrimination he experienced in foreign steamers and trains are floating in his mind. He was relieved by the signs of national revival, the achievements of the scientist Jagdish Chandra Bose, and the rise of Japan as a world power.

Banerjee opened her journal (October 1904) citing growing poverty in India. Although famine and plague did not directly affect the Bengal aristocracy, the ravages of the 1850s took its toll. The belief that the British would pull it all together was shaken. Confidence in the moderates' wealth transfer explanation of Indian poverty has also waned. Direct financial distress may also have played a role. The influx of liberal professions has increased. (A Swadeshi pamphlet stated that 80 pleaders were working in Madaripur alone, a sub-division of East Bengal.) The elite (professionals) had to depend on the zamindars and the middle-class landlords. Inheritance decreased due to family fragmentation. The prices suddenly went up. The price index rose from 100 points in 1890-94 to 106 in 1904, 116 in 1905, 129 in 1906 and 143 in 1908. The period 1905 - 1908, when political unrest was at its peak, saw the highest rise in prices.

The rural areas of Bakarganj, Madaripur and Kishoreganj are the strongest indigenous settlements in East Bengal. These are the areas where the Hindu elites are the majority. Areas with high middle class tenants and significant spread of English education (resulting in occupational congestion, spread of nationalist ideology). Rising prices in such groups and regions may have fueled nationalism. In the days of 1905 industrial workers, often neglected, went on strike due to inflation. But in East Bengal economic discontent turned against the immediate oppressor (Hindu) landlord against the usurer or merchant. As a result, it contributed to religious conflicts. The indigenous intellectuals of Bengal were further embroiled in Hindu revivalism and compounded the problems. Failed to develop the agricultural program demanded by the Shudras. High prices and problems in finding jobs keep them dependent on rental income (however meager.                                                                                           did Gnanchand Banerjee has a small inherited farm in Vikrampur. However, he wrote in his diary that the Tenancy Act of 1885 was detrimental to agrarian relations. A pamphlet written in 1904 on land relations in Bengal states that the Dalari tenants, who call themselves the middle class, have existed since the time of the Aryas. They alleged that they were being squeezed out by the big zamindars (Muslims were created by the British) on the one hand and by the peasants fumigated by the Tenancy Act on the other. (Amritalalpal Bangar Bhumi Rajasya o An Ancient Arya Grama Samiti, Calcutta 1904). Another pamphlet entitled Curzon's Open Letter (1904) quoted Edward Burke as making it clear that the "educated classes" were the natural leaders of the common people, regarding public opinion as an opinion independent of the lowest level of thought. The distance between the aristocracy and the peasantry had clear class roots, not just the aristocracy's aversion to physical labor.

Extremist intellectuals, whether in Bengal or elsewhere, failed to connect the nationalist slogan with the immediate economic problems of the peasantry. Religious appeals seemed close to them to connect with the people. As far as the Muslims were concerned these efforts led to dangerous results. Failed to connect. Moreover, the pressures from below are also somewhat reduced. Droughts in many parts of the country have left people destitute. Many people were killed. Population decline may also have eased agrarian tensions. After decades of rural unrest in the 1870s and 1880s, the Bengali Tenancy Act, which prevented the transfer of land into the hands of wealthy Bombay Punjabis, somewhat pacified peasants who clashed with moneylenders and landlords. The increase in prices is closely related to exports of agricultural products. Prices increase with exports of products. Another cause of inflation is demonetisation. Due to excess exports, there is a rush of gold and silver notes into the country. British export agencies and Indian traders made huge profits due to the boom in trade. Certain sections of the peasantry (for example the jute farmers of East Bengal) saw limited gains. In the first decade of the 20th century there was also an increase in per capita national income. In 1900-01 on the price basis of 1938-39 Rs. 49.4 per capita in 1916-17. Dated Rs. increased to 60.4. National Income from 1900-01 to 1946-47, Delhi University Mimeograph, 1965) All this helped to set aside national social discontent during India's nationalist and extremist phase.